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WE ARE ALL CRIMINALS: DEMYSTIFYING AND BLURRING THE THIN DIVIDING LINE BETWEEN CONFORMITY AND CRIMINALITY

    Introduction: The Uncomfortable Truth   “We are all criminals.” The statement sounds outrageous. It offends our moral sensibilities. It appears to insult the honest citizen, the religious devotee, the respected public servant, the loving parent, and the law-abiding professional. Yet, before dismissing it as absurd, it is worth examining what we mean by crime, criminality, conformity, and deviance.   The central argument of this essay is simple, yet profoundly disturbing: the line separating the criminal from the conformist or law-abiding person is far thinner than society is willing to admit. Indeed, that line is often so thin, so fragile, and so dependent on circumstance that many of us stand on both sides of it simultaneously.   To understand this, we must begin where all discussions of crime properly begin – not with the criminal, but with the law.   Crime Exists Because Law Exists A crime is not merely a harmful act. It is not simply an ...

THE UNCONSTITUTIONAL UNDERLINING OF THE EMERGENCY DECLARATION IN RIVERS STATE


In an unprecedented display of executive overreach, President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a State of Emergency in Rivers State has ignited a constitutional firestorm. The move, described by former House of Representatives member Dr. Fara Dagogo as a slap on the Constitution, has been met with national and international condemnation. From legal scholars to opposition governors, the outcry has been deafening, as the President’s actions flout the fundamental principles of democracy and the rule of law.

The Constitutional Crisis at Hand

At the heart of this controversy lies Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (as amended), which explicitly outlines the circumstances under which a state of emergency may be declared. According to Dr. Dagogo (as reported by The Guardian), a state of emergency may only be declared if:

-             the Governor, with a two-thirds majority of the State House of Assembly, requests it.

           there is a clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order.

-             there is an imminent threat of war, invasion, insurrection, or natural disaster.

Even when any of these circumstances are visibly real, the state of emergency ought to be declared under the sitting governor and his deputy, with the approval of the National Assembly.

However, President Tinubu has admitted that Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his Deputy did not request the emergency proclamation, making his action outright unconstitutional.

PDP Governors’ Outcry: A Betrayal of Democracy

Unsurprisingly, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Governors’ Forum has fiercely opposed Tinubu’s emergency rule in Rivers State. Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, along with his counterparts in Delta, Edo, and Akwa Ibom, have decried the President’s actions as an authoritarian power grab.

Furthermore, the President’s suspension of elected officials, including the Governor, Deputy Governor, and State House of Assembly members, lacks any legal basis under the 1999 Constitution. Section 188 of the Constitution stipulates that a Governor can only be removed through impeachment by the State House of Assembly.

The Appointment of an “Administrator”: A Return to Military Rule?

In a move reminiscent of Nigeria’s dark era of military dictatorship, President Tinubu has appointed Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd) as the Administrator of Rivers State. This decision, as legal experts have pointed out, directly contradicts Section 176(1) and Section 186 of the Constitution, which recognize only an elected Governor and Deputy Governor as the legitimate heads of a State government. The creation of an Administrator position is alien to Nigeria’s democratic framework and is a blatant mockery of constitutional governance. Notably, the Nigerian Bar Association and several senior advocates have criticized the move as unconstitutional. Channels Television

Despite these objections, both chambers of the National Assembly—the Senate and the House of Representatives—have approved the President's declaration. On March 20, 2025, the Senate invoked its constitutional powers under Section 305(2) to endorse the state of emergency, while also mandating a review within six months. Similarly, the House of Representatives approved the emergency rule and the suspension of the State's elected officials. YouTube+1Arise News+1YouTube

Given the gravity of the situation and the differing interpretations of constitutional provisions, it is anticipated that the judiciary will be called upon to adjudicate the matter. This emergency declaration raises legal concerns similar to those analyzed in A PRECARIOUS PRECEDENT: THE DECLARATION OF EMERGENCY IN RIVERS STATE AND ITS FAR-REACHING IMPLICATIONS. And for an indepth understanding of the Rivers' state of affairs, you may want to read: A BATTLE OF POWER, PRIDE, AND POLITICAL BETRAYAL, and Armageddon where nature itself seems to portray the chaos that is Nigeria.

Will The Judiciary Uphold This Decision?

There are strong precedents indicating that Tinubu’s emergency proclamation will not stand in any court of law. A case in point is Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Lagos State (2013) LPELR-20974(SC), in which the Supreme Court reaffirmed that the President must act within constitutional limits, even in extraordinary situations.

Even if Tinubu wields undue influence over Nigeria’s judicial system, international legal bodies such as the ECOWAS Court of Justice and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights would certainly view this as a dangerous precedent of democratic backsliding.

The Path to Justice: Why Fubara and the Suspended Lawmakers May Prevail

If Governor Fubara and the suspended lawmakers challenge President Tinubu’s declaration in court, they may carry the day. Under Section 305(2) and (6) of the Constitution, the National Assembly must approve the emergency proclamation within 10 days, or it ceases to have effect. The National Assembly, both Upper and Lower, has given their consent of the suspension of the Governor and his Deputy, and the State’s legislators, but this still makes it unconstitutional, as the cart has been put before the horse, instead of otherwise. The right thing should have been to seek the approval of the National Assembly first before swinging into action, but in the present circumstance, instead of counting 1 before 2, the reverse is sadly the case. Should the courts uphold the Constitution, Tinubu’s emergency rule may collapse under its own illegality.

The Rivers State crisis is not just a regional issue—it is a national test of Nigeria’s commitment to democracy. Will the rule of law prevail, or will executive impunity triumph? The answer lies in the collective will of Nigerians to resist unconstitutional governance and defend the democratic structures painstakingly built over decades. (But is the collective will present in the people? Read: THE TYRANNY OF GODFATHERS, to understand why the collective will is lost.)

Stay informed, stay vigilant.

                                                                                            OKOM, Emmanuel Njor (PhD)

The video below may give you more insight on the unconstitutionality of the Emergency  declaration in Rivers State:     



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